The Global Nature of Ancestral Reverence

Ancestral related practices of reverence play an important role in many contemporary societies. This human activity of acknowledging the existence of the deceased, is an ancient one that was at one time widely practiced by the vast majority of human societies and cultures, spanning the continents of Africa, the Americas, Asia, Australia as well as the European peninsular (Kenyatta, 1965; Idowu, 1970; Elder, 1988; Frederick, 2004; Kenny, 2004; Laidoner, 2015; Hu, 2016; Eliade, 2020). Fortes and Dieterlen (1950) surmised that the universality of this phenomenon is particularly well founded amongst the populations of the African continent, they suggest that “comparatively viewed, African ancestor worship has a remarkedly uniform structural framework” (Gulliver, 1966, p. 1). Anthropologists often refer to Ancestral reverence as ‘ancestor worship’. However, this terminology is considered to be inaccurate by some. Kenyatta (1965) advises us that amongst the Agikūyū, family members who partake in ancestral reverence are simply affording the soul of their elders, the same level of respect they would if the ancestor were still alive (Steadman, Palmer and Tilley, 2016). Within this essay the term ancestral reverence will be used instead of worship. Where most anthropological studies on ancestor related practices amongst descent groups have focussed on its potential for malevolent use, this study will concern itself with the benevolent aspects of traditional ancestral reverence amongst the central African Suku and the east African Agīkūyū (Kenyatta, 1965; Kopytoff, 1971). To that end, the main questions addressed in this essay will be the following: Who are ancestors? Why are ancestors considered to be important to the practitioners? How does the communication between corporeal and non-corporeal beings take place? Can the practice of ancestral reverence be considered to be a universal phenomenon?

Who are the Ancestors?

Clarification of who the ancestors are needs to be ascertained. Fortes and Dieterlen provide the following anthropological definition: “An ancestor is a named, dead forbear who has living descendants of a designated genealogical class representing his continued structural relevance” (Gulliver, 1966, p. 2). In this there seems to be a global consensus. When the Yorùbá of West Africa initiate prayers and make offerings to their ancestors, they are referring to family members who are now deceased (Idowu, 1970). For the Agīkūyū of East Africa, their ancestors (Ngoma) are comprised of their deceased family members (Kinoti, 2010). For the Chinese of North Asia, their ancestors (zu xian) are also referring to their deceased family members (Hu, 2016). To the pre-Christian Scandinavian Nordic nations of Europe, reverence of ancestors (álfar) and significant progenitors were also an integral part of religious practices (Laidoner, 2015). Amongst the contemporary Diné of America, their ancestors serve as a constant reminder of their Navajo identity (Lee, 2006). Ancestors are considered to have supernatural powers allowing them to influence the lives of the living. In most cases they ‘reside’ within physical shrines (Fortes, 1975)

The Importance of Ancestors

For the peoples listed above, and many more besides, the reverence afforded to the deceased has played a crucial role within their societies and cultures for as long as these groups have existed. Amongst the Agīkūyū of East Africa, Kenyatta (1965) provides us with a clearly emic description for the relevance of ancestors among his people. Kenyatta begins by stating the significance of the elders for the Agīkūyū: “In religious ceremonies, and in political and social gatherings, the elders hold supreme authority. The custom of the people demands that the elder should be given his due respect and honours, not only when he is present, but when he is absent.” (ibid, p. 254)

Kenyatta goes on to describe an example of this authority. If a young man wished to initiate an important feast or ceremony in his father’s absence, he would not be able to do so without the presence of another elder of a similar age-group. The elder would then be granted the same authority and respect of his own father. The Agīkūyū demonstrate the level of respect afforded to both elders and ancestors when some misdeed is done against an elder and forgiveness is sought.

If this same young man were to offend his father in some way, he would demonstrate his apology through a practical demonstration of a ceremonial feast involving the provision of livestock and traditionally brewed honey beer (Njohi ya ooke). However, of particular note is that this offering is also aimed at the ancestors who represent the lineage of the father. Kenyatta goes on to describe the ceremonial protocol in this situation: “On receiving these gifts the father, before partaking of the feast, sprinkles on the ground a hornful of the beer to quench the thirst of the ancestral spirits and at the same time to appease them. He then blesses the son and declares that, in agreement with the ancestral spirits, he has forgiven him.” (Kenyatta, 1965, p. 254)

Amongst the Agīkūyū the elders are afforded this respect in recognition of the support they provide to the community, with advice based on invaluable lived experience. It is the elders who are the ones that provide a crucial sense of harmony between the living and the departed. This form of communion with their ancestors is considered to be a natural aspect of life for the Agīkūyū, as “it brings back to him the memory and glory of his forefathers” (Kenyatta, 1965, p. 255). In relation to what many anthropologists choose to refer to as ‘ancestor worship’, Kenyatta (1965) stipulates that the Agīkūyū are quite clear about what is and what is not worship.

For the Agīkūyū, the manner in which they worship Mwene-Nyaga, (the Gīkūyū name for the supreme creator of all things in existence), is certainly not in any way similar to the respect given to the ancestors. They commune with their ancestors, but they worship Mwene-Nyaga. The Gīkūyū language has two very specific words for prayer (gothaitahiya) and worship (goikia-mokoigoro). These acts are never performed when in communion with their ancestors (Kenyatta, 1965, p. 255).

European anthropologists have dedicated much thought and discussion to the phenomenon, which has resulted in a range of theoretical conclusions in an attempt to understand its significance to so many (Steadman, Palmer and Tilley, 2016). One such anthropological theory is advocated by Kopytoff (1971), who suggests the reverence shown to ancestors by their living descent groups is a naturally occurring consequence of the importance elders play within society. Kopytoff advocated this theory based on his anthropological work with the Suku of central Africa (Kopytoff, 1971).

Kopytoff (1971) advocated the ideology that suggests eldership is considered to be of equal importance in relation to ancestor reverence. For Kopytoff, this begins with the matrilineal structures popularised amongst Suku families. He highlights how families are, in general, formulated according to the protocols established using the patrilocal family structure. As the head of their family, elders are often called upon for a wide range of matters facing the younger members. The elders are often called upon to resolve issues of a jural, spiritual (religious), political and economic nature. In other words, the kind of issues faced by most people within human societies. For Kopytoff, the level of respect shown to the elders by the Suku is maintained even after the death of their physical bodies (Kopytoff, 1971, p. 130). He goes on to suggest that anthropologists viewing ancestral reverence as cults and worship, are guilty of advocating an ethnocentric perspective. This is not a view shared by many anthropologists.

Fortes and Dieterlen (1966), in a lecture given to the International African Seminar, provide an alternative outlook to Kopytoff’s analysis of elders as ancestors, advocating the relevance of the sociological aspect of ancestral authority. Family members who continue to acknowledge their deceased elders are considered to be a “congregation of worshippers” (Gulliver, 1966, p. 1). He maintains, the significance of ancestors to the Tallensi simply cannot be attributed to any psychical or metaphysical belief systems, which Calhoun (1980) considers to be ungrounded and unscientific. On this matter Fortes (1966) suggests: “When a particular deceased - and it is always a particular person - is thus reinstated as an ancestor it is, … because he has living descendants of the right category. His reinstatement in this status establishes his continued relevance for his society, not as a ghost, but as a regulative focus for the social relations and activities that persist as the deposit, so to speak, of his life and career..” (Gulliver, 1966, p. 6)

The sociological ramifications are clearly of great import to the living members of the family. Fortes goes on to suggest how the funerary rites and ceremonies that take place, serve as an important means to detach the dead from the social structure of the living. After all, when alive they served an important role as elders, as attested to above by Kenyatta. So, this act of discorporation “resolves the dislocation and assuages the grief of bereavement” that will be felt by all within the community (Gulliver, 1966, p. 5). For Fortes, the ancestor is as one who has been endowed with the “dogma of personality” (Gulliver, 1966, p. 6). Amongst the Tallensi, Fortes suggests the dead do not automatically become a revered ancestor. There are specific rituals and ceremonies that must take place before the dead can receive the mantle of ancestorhood. In the first instance the dead must be brought back to the homestead in order to re-establish that all important connection to family and lineage. Even then, they will not receive the revered status of ancestor until they demonstrate some worldly connection with their living descendants (Gulliver, 1966, p. 6).

Communication with the Dead

For Kopytoff (1971), the Suku do not recognise the death of the non-physical spirit along with the physical death of the person. Following this transformative stage of existence, the Suku simply recognise their elders as now taking on the mantle of ancestor. Nevertheless, the level of support and guidance they offered as an elder continues to be sought through various rituals specifically designed to allow a form of communication with one who is no longer in corporeal form. Amongst the Suku, both appeals and requests for support during important initiatory phases of life, are often made to the now dead members of their lineage. From the moment the newly born member of the Suku community joins their new family, appeals for blessings will be made from the ancestors from whom the child shares its lineage. As the newborn progresses from childhood into adulthood, further appeals for blessings will continue to be made through every important stage of human development.

Such ceremonies are undertaken when sickness or other forms of misfortune impact the descent group of the ancestors. Kopytoff (1971) outlines one of the steps undertaken by the elder Suku when making contact with their ancestors. The elders will, in the first instance, make an offering of food to their dead at their graves. This will invariably be the same food enjoyed by all. A hole is dug in the ground and the food is placed inside. This step will be essential, as one does not ask for assistance without making some form of offering or sacrifice beforehand (Hubert and Mauss, 1965). At this stage, the practice of geneonymy will begin:

“You, [such and such], your junior is ill. We do not know why, we do not know who is responsible. If it is you, if you are angry, we ask your forgiveness. If we have done wrong, pardon us. Do not let him die…” (Kopytoff, 1971, p. 130).

The conversation that takes place with the deceased elder and the living ones, is done in a natural conversational style as if their brethren were still in corporeal form, as opposed to the formulaic form of worshipful reverence often shown by religions such as Roman Catholicism (Fiedrowicz, 2020).

The Universality of Ancestral Reverence

That the above examples of ancestral reverence amongst the Tallensi of West Africa, Suku of Central Africa and the Agīkūyū of East Africa, all share similar traits is clear to see. Many such similarities have been recognised by anthropologists who tend to focus on African cultures (Evans-Pritchard, 1951; Fortes, 1975; Leakey, 1977). However, there is evidence to suggest that the practice of ancestral reverence could well be recognised as a truly global phenomenon. Swanson’s (1960) seminal work on the practice of what is referred to as ‘ancestor worship’ amongst fifty groups of people, is used as a starting point by Steadman, Palmer and Tilley (2016) as they compile evidence from around the globe (North and South Asia, Africa, North and South America, Australia, Polynesia and Europe).

Swanson concluded that sixteen of the societies he conducted his research with, were not influenced by ancestors. These were: the Azande of Central Africa; the Aztec of Central America; the Blackfoot of North America; the Cuna of South America; the Iban of Indonesia; the Lengua of South America; the Lepcha of Central Asia; the Nez Perces of North America; the Pomo of North America; the Romans of Europe; the Samoyed of Arctic Asia; the Shoshoni of North America; the Todas of India; the Trumai of South America; the Winnebago of South America; and the Yurok of North America (Steadman, Palmer and Tilley, 2016, pp. 65–70).

Steadman, Palmer and Tilley (2016) disagree with his assessment. They argue that these societies are incorrectly categorised as not being ‘ancestor worshippers’ simply because the word ancestor is not referred to linguistically. They go on to suggest the use of phrases such as ghosts, and other supernatural beings, are indicative of an ancestral presence amongst these societies. Beings that are able to influence or be influenced by the living. They provide examples of this in each of the aforementioned societies (Steadman, Palmer and Tilley, 2016, pp. 65–70).

Concluding Remarks

This essay discussed a universally essential aspect of life for many societies around the globe. Kenyatta’s emic analysis of his own culture stipulates the importance of elders and ancestors amongst the Agikūyū of East Africa. Kopytoff suggests a blurring of the lines between eldership and ancestor based on his research among the Suku of Central Africa. Whereas Fortes and Dieterlen, advocate the sociological importance of the ancestral structure system for the bereaved family and community at large amongst the West African Tallensi people. All of which lends weight to the universality theory promoted by Steadman, Palmer and Tilley, who present an anthropological argument to acknowledge the global reach of ancestral reverence. I believe this is an ideology that warrants further research. Anthropologists are burdened with a great responsibility when conducting their research on a people’s cosmological outlook. As the ethnographers of a people, we are responsible for the development of “whatever cultural concepts, accounts and representations mark a study” (Van Maanen, 2011, p. 165). As such, finding a balance between emic and etic is crucial as we develop a report that will either demonstrate the wondrous achievements of a people or present them as simple primitives in a modern world.

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