BA (Hons) Dissertation in Psychosocial Studies
A Study into the Rationale of African Caribbean People Who Adopt the Colour Black as a Form of Self-identification in the United Kingdom.
“...persons that have an awareness of the African identity strive toward African affirmation, empowerment, and preservation and possess self-determination.” (Kambon, 1992 cited in Robinson and Biran, 2006, p. 50)
Abstract
This paper explores why a select group of people within the United Kingdom, adopt the inaccurate and derogatory identification of ‘Black’ person, over and above the genetically accurate definition of African or African Caribbean person. Using the seminal research of Akbar’s theoretical framework on the mental disorders of contemporary frican-Americans, and DeGruy’s study into transgenerational trauma, this study sought to determine if African Caribbean people within the United Kingdom demonstrate symptoms of such trauma. Interviews were undertaken with three people who are identified as Black people. This paper postulates the following reasons for the phenomena of African Caribbean people refusing to acknowledge their African genealogy; the systematically brutal treatment of the Africans once enslaved, would ensure the removal of a genetically precise identity intricately connected to their history and culture; secondly the sociohistorical associations of African people with the Arabic and European nations; and finally, the impact of the mental disorders and transgenerational trauma postulated by Akbar and DeGruy. All of which serves to dissuade any association with Africa. The findings demonstrated the significance of the participants attachment to African Caribbean culture and the negativity associated with being symbolically attached to the colour black.
Introduction
The African has been subjected to extreme forms of oppression creating an enduring trauma, from both a physical and mental perspective for over five centuries. Millions upon millions of African men, women and children have been subjected to savage inhuman treatment (Bennett, 1966; Franklin, 1974; Law, 2003; Rawley, 2003; DeGruy, 2010; Elgersman, 2013; Jalata, 2013; Petley, 2018; Spencer & Perlow, 2018). Having survived the horrors of a chattel slave system for over four centuries, the likes of which the world has never seen before or since, neither the enslaved Africans nor their descendants have ever been recognised as inheriting disorders related to the deep psychological traumas they were subjected to (Akbar, 1980; Butts, 2002). According to The International Classification of Diseases (ICD), two years of catastrophic stress is recognised as affecting severe psychological trauma, to say nothing of enduring the most severe levels of stress over several generations (ICD-11, 2018). This paper asks if most contemporary Africans of the diaspora, are incapable of accepting an identity based on their own genealogical heritage, as a symptomatic result of transgenerational trauma (DeGruy, 2010). The forced removal of African identities was a necessary first step in ensuring the longevity of the chattel slavery system, thus ensuring the prolonged economic benefits of this system to the empire builders of the European peninsular and Great Britain (Petley, 2018). Today, the descendants of those Africans that were enslaved are now erroneously identified with a wide range of titles, the most common of which is related to the colour black.
The present study addresses the psychological rationale of African Caribbean people, based in the United Kingdom, who knowingly choose to adopt the negative moniker of ‘Black’, over being identified as either African or African Caribbean. Whilst there is an abundance of views and opinions on how the group of people identified as ‘Black’ should no longer be treated with discrimination and prejudice, I found there to be a distinct lack of UK based research conducted into the identification of these same people as African or African Caribbean. As such, the primary theoretical framework will be based upon Akbar’s (1998) US based diagnostic classification system of the alien-self disorder, which advocates theories on the individual acting in a manner that is contrary to their true self, and DeGruy’s (2010) study into the effects of transgenerational trauma. I maintain, the research conducted by African American psychologists on African American subjects can be utilised for this UK based project, due in large part to the many genetic and social similarities Africans enslaved by Europeans in America, share with Africans enslaved by Europeans in the Caribbean (Torres, et al, 2007). I also suggest, this subject matter warrants further study and analysis, which I aim to continue with post graduate studies.
The initial stage of this paper will focus on literature discussing the significance of identity within society, drawing on Mead’s (1934) theory on the essential nature of symbolising a role for society; Goffman’s (1959) theory of dramaturgical performances by individuals within society; and Althusser’s (1971) theoretical framework on interpellation. These theories will be used to suggest that African Caribbean people in the United Kingdom have sought to attach themselves to a black identity, promulgated by British and European-American[1] social structures, in lieu of any other self-induced identity. Hrabovsky’s (2013) epistemological study on the theoretical use of the colour black as a form of identification, for African people by ancient European societies, will be used as a literary source. Hrabovsky’s research will be used to highlight the point in history when Africans began to be associated with the negative attributes of the colour black.
An intimate analysis covering the historical use of the colour black in the English language and how the use of this terminology has evolved within British society,[2] will also form a part of this paper, particularly in relation to the Black-British label as a personal form of identity for African and African Caribbean people raised in the United Kingdom. The discussion surrounding the use of the colour black within British society will be accomplished by delving into the early descriptions of the African continent and her people, by European scholars of the 14th century. In addition, an analysis of Tsri’s (2016) paper Africans are not black: why the use of the term ‘black’ for Africans should be abandoned, will be drawn upon to discuss the problematic nature faced by contemporary African Caribbean people on the adoption of this colour as a form of identity. It will also be argued that the manner with which black identity is promoted in British society is problematic for those who have become habituated to it, causing further complications due to the complexities surrounding the ideology of an identity with a plurality of meanings.
Following on from this analysis, Akbar’s (1980) groundbreaking theoretical framework on the psychological disorders of African Americans, as the descendants of formerly enslaved Africans, will be used to hypothesise the rationale behind the decision-making process of UK based African Caribbean[3] people, who have chosen to identify themselves with the moniker black rather than identify themselves in accordance with their cultural and historical heritage. DeGruy’s (2010) extensive research into the transgenerational trauma defined as Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome (PTSS) will also be analysed. Kambon’s (1992) study into the African identity will be used to briefly discuss the potential benefits for those who were able to acknowledge and adopt their own identity as an African in America. Kambon’s research into African identity also sheds light on the construct of the African identity and its relevance to the African American personality. A description of the methodologies used in this study will be followed by an analysis of the data collected by the participants of the research.
Literature Review
In the English language, the foremost definition for black is the identification of the darkest colour within the visible spectrum of colours. However, this colour is also used both symbolically to describe that which is evil or negative and categorically to describe objects, situations, and a select group of brown skinned Negroid[4] people from Africa and Australia. The following is a short selection of The Oxford English Dictionary’s (1991) definition of black:
5. Deeply stained with dirt; soiled, dirty, foul.
6. Black man or woman. a. A person of ‘black’ skin; an African negro, or Australasian negrito, or other member of a dark-skinned race. In this sense it appears to be a translation of Negro, which was in earlier use.
8. Having dark or deadly purposes, malignant; pertaining to or involving death, deadly; baneful, disastrous, sinister.
9. Foul, iniquitous, atrocious, horribly wicked.
10. a. Clouded with sorrow or melancholy, dismal, gloomy, sad.
10. b. Of the countenance, the ‘look’ of things, prospects: Clouded with anger, frowning: threatening, boding ill; the opposite of bright and hopeful.
(Ibid, pp. 238-244).
This paper will suggest that Akbar’s (1980) theoretical framework on African mental health and the alien-self disorder, and DeGruy’s (2010) theories of Post Traumatic Slavery Syndrome, may provide an answer as to why many UK based African Caribbean people willingly accept this derogatory word as a form of self-identification.
The Significance of Identity
The significance of the identity an individual chooses to adopt within society is of great importance. Althusser’s (2006) theoretical framework on interpellation, advocates the natural effect of the socially constructed identity upon the individual. The concept of interpellation can also be used to identify the important role an individual’s sense of identity has from a psychological perspective. Identity highlights the interconnectedness between how an individual will feel about them self psychologically, and how they believe the society in which they live views them both socially and culturally (Woodward, 2004, p. 18). As an example, the ideology of interpellation could reasonably suggest the young male and female African Caribbean may choose to adopt and perform the much publicised role of the athletic black. Such roles tend to be highlighted inter-textually within British social structures, for those identified as black (Hall, 1997, pp. 232-233).
In addition, Mead’s (2015) theory on symbolizing focuses on the link between an individual’s thoughts and how they choose to see them self, as well as imagining how others view them. For Mead, an individual strives to ensure the way they perform in public is conducive to how society views them, and as such forms an integral aspect of existence for every member of society. Mead stipulates that whilst these identities are created within a social context, the individual will also endeavour to portray the type of person they believe society expects to see. The symbolised nature of the identity allows the individual to tailor their identity accordingly. This is achieved by the attire they choose and most significantly the way they behave (cited by Woodward, 2004, p. 12). Further to this, Goffman’s (1956) dramaturgical theory supports the importance of the individual’s performance to other members of their society. For Goffman, the society into which an individual is born provides them with roles according to their chosen identities. These roles form a part of the dramaturgy Goffman posits are performed by members of society to support their chosen identity. Additionally, Goffman suggests these performances are akin to theatrical performance characters that are provided to the actor, and not an indicator of the individuals instinctual personality from birth (Woodward, 2004, p. 14). The role of the ‘Black’ person in British society will be discussed next.
The Black-British Identity
The individual that has been identified as a ‘Black’ person in contemporary British society, will find themselves being prejudged based on a common set of degrading stereotypes that have been a secular aspect of British social discourse for approximately three centuries (Christian, 2002, pp. 62-66; Jalata, 2013). Hall suggests there were three significant relational periods in the timeline of the peoples of Africa and British society that contributed to various negative stereotypes of the African man and woman within Britain. Hall cites the sixteenth century as the period when the wide array of stereotypes was first introduced to British society (Hall, 1997, p. 239). Hall suggests the second phase began with European colonisation of the African continent and her peoples, resulting in the scramble for resources, both human and mineral. Hall goes on to cite the third phase as the large scale migration of African people from the continent and the Caribbean islands. Many of these long standing stereotypes remain to this day, in relation to the nature of the African man and woman. They are regarded as being hyper-sexualised, aggressive, prone to crime, less intelligent than the European or Asian, yet accomplished athletes and musically talented. The kind of roles suited to these traits, are invariably those that are highlighted and promoted constantly within British society, as the roles Africans are most suited to (Hall, 1997, pp. 226 – 257). However, as discussed above, both Hrabovsky (2013) and Tsri (2013) would likely disagree with Hall, by suggesting earlier periods as the beginning of the degradation of the African identity by Europeans. Today, the perception of the person classified as black in the United Kingdom, and globally, is still not a fortuitous one.
It is noteworthy that many UK based academics (Christian, 2002; Graham, 2009; Small, 2002), appear to have adopted the title of black over negro, much as the US based African-Americans have, even though negro means black (Martin, 1991; Mifflin, 2005). Whilst such academics acknowledge and recognise the existence of the African identity, there are still many advocates for the continued use of the archaic and derogatory term of ‘Black’[5] to describe African people. Some academics are aware that this identity was imposed on African people by another group of humans who believed themselves to be superior. Yet there are still many proponents for the continued use of this colour to describe all African people, particularly the descendants of the formerly enslaved Africans who have no collective cultural memory of heritage (Tsri, 2016). This paper will surmise that this lends further weight to Akbar’s (1980) theory on the alien-self disorder, which can cause an individual to ignore their own cultural dispositions. To justify the use of this word, those who promote the use of the colour black as a form of identity seek to redefine its meaning, from its intended negative symbolic state into a positive condition (hooks, 1992).
When the African Became the Black
Choosing to identify oneself with a colour, should be a straightforward and logical affair. The colour of the individual’s skin is compared to the various colours that make up the colour spectrum. From this point, it should be a simple process to choose which colour most closely resembles the shade of the individual’s skin. Unfortunately, this simple process does not take place with many African Caribbean people[6], here in the United Kingdom. After centuries of use, there is now a large section of humanity (approximately 1.7 billion) with brown skin and soft wool like hair who are well accustomed to being inaccurately identified with the colour black.
The earliest European definition of black comes from the Greek flegein meaning to burn, to scorch, which in turn is derived etymologically from flegma, which is defined as flame, heat, fire, the result of phlegm. Hrabovsky (2013) suggests the Greeks determined this definition by referring to the myth of Phaeton, who drove the sun, depicted as a chariot, too close to the Earth resulting in the skin of some humans being burnt (Ibid, p. 68). Further to this, and of significance to the negativity associated with black, was the understanding of phlegm to Greek physicians and philosophers at this time. To Hippocrates, the father of European medicine, the bodily fluid of all humans was categorised as phlegm, blood, black bile and yellow bile. Within the Corpus Hippocraticum[7], Hippocrates suggests that the melainé cholé (black bile) is poisonous to human beings, resulting in a psychologically diseased condition he referred to as melancholié, translated into English as melancholy (Ibid, p. 69). Hrabovsky (2013) goes on to suggest that when the Greeks were confronted with the people of Kemit[8] and Kush, which were renamed by the Greeks as Aegypt and Aethiopus, both nations were comprised of people who appeared to have burnt skin (Diop, 1971, p. 7). To the Greeks, the natural conclusion would be that these people were inflicted with an abundance of poisonous black bile. Thus, the earliest record of identifying people as black, can be traced to the Greeks. The connotation being that unlike the Greeks, the Africans had been burnt and damaged by the sun, as well as being a diseased and poisoned people (Hrabovsky, 2013, p. 70).
Tsri (2016) provides further evidence on the negativity of the colour black within the English language, as seen through the doctrines of Christianity, and the notion of Africans from the African continent being identified with this colour. Due to the association of the African with the colour black, they were invariably regarded as dangerous, savage like, easily drawn towards wicked behaviour and disaster (Ibid, p. 148). During the reign of Rome, the interpretation of the African was now intrinsically associated with the immoral and negative associations of the colour black. As such, the African association with black strongly influenced the doctrines promoted by the Holy Roman Empire of Christianity (Ibid, p. 149).
The Abrahamic religions teach that Satan is one of the lesser spiritual deities created by a superior supernatural deity. Within Christian doctrine, all of humanities woes are attributed to the character referred to as Satan, and as such he is regarded as the epitome of evil. In early Christian literature there are many examples of Satan being identified as black in colour, due to his innate wickedness. Some examples can be seen in; the Epistle of Barnabas, where Satan is portrayed as the Black One (Byron, 2002); In the Life of Melania the Young, Satan is said to transform himself into a young black man in order to ravage the chaste young Christian women (Byron, 2002); Demonstrating the early hyper-sexualisation of the African by Christians, Ethiopians were identified as being lascivious in nature due to their blackened skin (Ibid, p. 74); Jerome (348 – 420 CE) a prominent early Christian writer, on many occasions wrote extensively on the natural sin of the blackened Ethiopian. In one of his treatises of the 86th Hebrew scripture of Psalms, Jerome states ...
“At one time we were Ethiopians (Aethtiopes) in our vices and sins. How so? Because our sins have blackened (nigros fecerant) us. But afterwards we heard the words: “Wash yourselves clean!”. And we said: “wash me, and I shall be whiter (dealbabor) than snow.” We are Ethiopians (Aethtiopes) therefore, who have been transformed (from blackness) into whiteness (candorem).” (Jerome, cited in Byron, 2002, pp. 43-44).
These concepts of blackness and the people associated with it, have remained as an important concept of sin within Christian doctrine, from classical antiquity up until contemporary times, and as such became an integral aspect of British social discourse (Hall, 1997, p. 242). These ideologies regarding the African person were instrumental in the European institutionalisation of chattel slavery for over four centuries. Particularly regarding the blackness as a curse. Many will be unaware of the etymological root of the word black, however its negative symbolic meaning is well known within the English language, so one may rightly question why an individual chooses to use it as an identity.
Transgenerational Trauma
Within the field of psychology, there is a concerted drive to further the understanding of transgenerational trauma. In Mental Disorders of African Americans (2004), Akbar presents what is ostensibly the first paper to promote theories on the mental disorders facing African Americans from an African perspective. As mentioned above, due to the genetic similarities shared amongst the Africans taken to America and the Africans taken to the Caribbean and the shared social prejudice they face in European dominant societies, I maintain such diagnoses can be similarly ascribed to the African Caribbean residing in the United Kingdom (Torres, et al, 2007). Akbar (1980) identified classifications of mental disorder amongst African Americans. The alien-self disorder described individuals ‘whose primary behavioural patterns contradict those things that would ensure their cultural well-being’. These are likely individuals who would not be comfortable acknowledging their African heritage. Akbar (1980) goes on to suggest that these African Americans have become acclimatised to pretending there is no difference between them and the descendants of those who enslaved and abused them historically. These African Americans are happy to accept the perspective of the dominant culture despite their own denigration in that society, and as a result they have become alienated from themselves and consequently unable to acknowledge who they are (Akbar, 1980).
The second disorder advocated by Akbar (1980), is the anti-self disorder which builds upon the issues surrounding the first disorder. In this instance, the individual will not only choose to identify with a dominant culture responsible for their oppression but will also demonstrate forms of hostility toward their own ethnic group and cultures. Akbar (1980) makes reference to what Fanon (1968) describes as the colonised mentality of one who wishes to promote the dominant culture and society over and above their own, as well as regarding the dominant culture as being superior to their own. Akbar posits, that this disorder is more severe than the alien-self disorder. These two disorders are understood to be applicable to the descendants of the formerly enslaved Africans.
Contemporary studies by DeGruy (2010) into the transgenerational trauma of African Americans resulted in her classification of this trauma as Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome (PTSS). DeGruy (2010) advocates the theory of PTSS to define the diagnostic characteristics of the trauma experienced by the descendants of the formerly enslaved Africans. DeGruy, suggests this level of trauma has resulted in a loathing of all things African by many contemporary diasporic Africans. This would have occurred due to the enslaved Africans having to continuously discard all aspects of their African identity in a desperate attempt to avoid torture or death for themselves and their loved ones. This was systematically instituted for centuries as an integral aspect of the chattel slavery system (DeGruy, 2010). Of interest for this paper are two of the behavioural traits of PTSS identified by DeGruy: firstly, there is the adoption by contemporary Africans of Racist Socialisation which can be described as an acceptance of the former slave masters value systems. A good example of this would be the symbolic meaning of black as bad and white being good, which is particularly troublesome when one is identified as being a ‘Black’; then there is Vacant Esteem which refers to the low self-worth experienced by an individual as a direct result of both local community and larger social ideologies, such as the social stereotypes of African people that permeate throughout British society (Hall, 1997; DeGruy, 2010). Whilst DeGruy’s empirical research was based on the descendants of enslaved Africans in America, I maintain this is relevant to African descendants within any dominant European society, who also descend from Africans that had been enslaved.
DeGruy (2010) states, when Africans were subjected to the savage atrocities of chattel slavery, generations of Africans would have undergone levels of trauma, that is now referred to as Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). DeGruy (2010) uses the American Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V, 2013), to describe the symptoms of PTSD. The theoretical framework of PTSS, posits that the legacy of chattel slavery, would have created an indelible trans-generational trauma affecting generations of African men, women and children. The most recent edition of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11, 2018) provides a definition on the newly classified Complex Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (CPTSD), which lends weight to DeGruy’s analysis. The ICD-11 describes the following trauma when diagnosing CPTSD:
Complex post-traumatic stress disorder (Complex PTSD) is a disorder that may develop following exposure to an event or series of events of an extremely threatening or horrific nature, most commonly prolonged or repetitive events from which escape is difficult or impossible (e.g., torture, slavery, genocide campaigns, prolonged domestic violence, repeated childhood sexual or physical abuse) (ICD-11-6B41, 2018).
Clearly, these traumas were experienced by enslaved Africans. Multigenerational trauma is described as a contagion of family behaviours cyclically repeated from generation to generation (Danieli, 1998). Based on this definition, DeGruy strongly asserts that the descendants of enslaved Africans would have clearly displayed post-traumatic stress related symptoms repeatedly. Nevertheless, Kendi (2016) suggests the theory of PTSS promotes racist ideas by suggesting the kind of behavioural issues demonstrated by contemporary African Americans are unique to them. Whereas, he asserts they can also be seen in European Americans and other ethnicities too. However, Kendi’s (2016) analysis is not undertaken from a psychoanalytical perspective, and as such he does not seem to accept the concept of trans-generational trauma in relation to PTSS, much less the effect of the individual’s emotions regarding their African heritage and identity.
The Significance of an African Identity
There has been much analysis and study around the conceptualisation of an African identity by African American scholars (Banks, 1976; Baldwin, 1980; Nobles, 1976; Kambon, 1992; Jamieson, 2008). Much of this research was in response to Cross’s (1976) seminal study, on the psychological impact of racism experienced by African Americans. Cross developed the Nigrescence model based on this research. Akbar (1989) explains, this model is about the conversion of the African American’s identity from being classified as a ‘Negro’ person to being classified as a ‘Black’ person. Cross’s theoretical framework suggested a specific pathological route the African American would follow, to achieve an ideal racial identity within a European American society.
Whilst Cross’s (1976) model would receive praise from many European American and African American psychologists, it received a critical response from African American psychologists who promoted theories espousing African centric psychological theories (Akbar, 1981; Banks, 1976; Baldwin, 1980; Nobles, 1976; Kambon, 1992; Myers, 2010; Jamieson, 2008; Welsing, 1991). Akbar’s (1989) primary critique is that the Nigrescence model was based upon the premise that the African American identity would only be instigated as a form of pathological defence, in response to oppressive social conditions. Whereas, Psychologists such as Akbar (1979), Baldwin (1981) Nobles (1976) and others, maintain that a healthy African American identity is genetically predetermined as a core aspect of the self. Akbar (1989) argues, the conceptualisation of an African identity develops naturally within a society that promotes a culturally supportive social structure. Furthermore, Akbar goes on to suggest that at its core the African identity ensures an awareness of racial oppression, that should instinctively result in adaptive behaviour as a coping mechanism. However, if this same individual adopts a reduced perception of these forms of ethnic oppression, as promoted by Cross (1976), their ability to adapt is diminished resulting in maladaptive behaviour that would prove to be counterproductive (Akbar, 1989).
Kambon (1992) lends further support to Akbar’s theoretical framework on the mental disorders suffered by contemporary Africans. Kambon advances the understanding of this phenomena by asserting that a racial-cultural consciousness, provides a positive psychological effect on the individual that both acknowledges and identifies with their African genealogy and heritage. Research conducted by Robinson and Biran (2006), demonstrated positive academic results with African American university students who were acceptant of their African identity. Kambon’s (1985) African Self-Consciousness (ASC) and Cultural Misorientation (CM) models, have proven to be extremely influential in understanding the identity of Africans within the diaspora. Much like Akbar’s (1980) theories of African American mental disorders, Kambon’s (1992) models advocate the existence of core African components within the African personality. Kambon identified these as the African Self-Extension Orientation (ASEO) and the ASC, which make up the core elements of the African identity (Kambon and Reid, 2010).
In the paper, Theories of African American Personality: Classification, Basic Constructs and Empirical Predictions/Assessment, Kambon and Reid (2010) discuss the differences and impact on the African identity, through the prism of psychological theories based around the European and African worldviews. These European and African worldviews are placed into the following models: Pure Eurocentric Models, where analysis of the African is conducted from the European perspective; Pseudo-Africentric and Transitional Models where the analysis is generally conducted by African American psychologists, whom nevertheless impose a European cosmology as a foundational framework of study. Cross’s (1998) revised Nigressence model falls into the category of these Transitional Models, as well as the work of Vandiver, Cross, Worrell and Fhagen-Smith (2002); and the Africentric Models, which represent analysis conducted by African psychologists using a conceptual framework that is based on an African cosmology, specifically designed to encourage Africans of the diaspora to embrace their inner self.
The theoretical frameworks promoted by African American psychologists such as Akbar (2004) and Kambon (2012) promoting an African worldview, are certainly not accepted by all African psychologists (Nwoye, 2015). Their views are considered biased, in favour of an imaginary African centric cosmology. For Cross (2009) African Psychology is a socially constructed invention. He maintains that it is a construction created by African American intellectuals, seeking to resolve contemporary psychological issues of African’s of the diaspora using the traditional African-centred cosmologies and traditions of African cultures. Cross chooses to stress the social constructivism, to highlight the positionality of the architects of this phenomenon as being all male and merely responding to the historically abusive nature of the American society. Cross goes on to suggest that this African Psychology falters when confronted with the realities of hybrid concepts which fuse African people to Homosexuality. Cross also maintains that this African Psychology fails, because its advocates tend to view it as a panacea to resolve all issues facing Africans. He cites the civil wars of Rwanda and Somalia as failures of African philosophy to prevent the atrocities committed in these wars (Cross, 2011). However, Cross clearly fails to acknowledge the devastating effects of colonial intervention throughout Africa. Contemporary people of these regions do not practice the traditional methodologies and philosophies of their culture. The colonial history throughout the entire continent of Africa, has ensured the traditions and culture originally used to resolve the many natural woes of human societies, ceased to be of use within every African society that was colonised (Williams, 1987; Rodney, 2018).
Methodology
I determined the overall methodological approach to be employed for this type of research should be qualitative in nature, to gain a meaningful understanding of what was being expressed by the participants (Ritchie et al, 2014). Qualitative methodologies provide a rich conduit for the collection of the participants own words. This method also allowed me to experience the emotional responsiveness that would inevitably accompany the participant’s comments (Ritchie et al, 2014). In addition to this, Denzin and Lincoln clarify the significance of this methodology when describing qualitative interviewing as:
a set of interpretive, material practices that make the world visible … They turn the world into a series of representations … qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of or interpret phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them (Cited in Richie et al, 2014, p. 3).
This definition of qualitative interviewing describes how the participants representations of life can be successfully collated through the means of qualitative interviewing. This level of intimacy between the interviewer and interviewee, provides a suitable environment for a rich flow of information from the participants. Furthermore, I believe the intimate and emotive nature of this subject matter warranted a closer inspection of the responses from the participants, to accurately analyse the data collected. The qualitative methodology made this a possibility.
Participants
The method used to select the participants was based on a face to face approach on campus. I adopted this approach as it was important to select participants of African Caribbean descent from differing generations, and each biological gender. Four participants were employed to take part in this project. Two would represent the younger generation who were likely to have parents/caregivers born and or raised here in the United Kingdom. The other two older participants are more likely to have been born to parents directly from the Caribbean. Having participants from both generations would prove to be of interest, for this subject matter. It was felt this would have provided a comprehensive collection of the two generations most likely to face issues surrounding their identity. Of the four participants, only three were eventually able to take part due to the implementation of nationwide closures of public facilities as a result of the Coronavirus-19 (COVID-19) global pandemic. As such, the fourth younger male candidate became unavailable. The participants ranged in age from 20 to 41.
Data Collection
The utilisation of semi-structured interviews were employed as the preferred method for the collection of data from the participants. Barriball and White (1994) advocate the use of this method as being well placed for exploring intimate perceptions and thought processes of those participating. Participants were given the option to choose their preferred location to conduct the interviews. The participants were offered refreshments from the Costa coffee bar, onsite at the Docklands campus of the University of East London. It was estimated that each interview could take up to 30 minutes. Interviews would be recorded using digital technology. An encrypted Blackberry smartphone, with industry leading security features, was used. This smartphone is locked with an eight-digit pin at all times. On completion, each recording was transferred to my personal computer and encrypted. The data was not transferred to a third party. To ensure high levels of attentiveness towards the participants responses, handwritten notes were not used (Barriball and White, 1994). Braun and Clarke (2006) advocate this method, as it allows the interviewer to recognise the emergence of themes from the participants emotional responses.
Ethics
The participants were all informed about the way their privacy and confidentiality would be implemented, in accordance with their ethical rights. This involved obtaining their informed consent to participate in this project (see Appendix C for a template of consent form); the recording of their interviews; and permission to collect and record their data for future research and publication. It was made clear to each participant that they were free to end or bypass any aspect of the interview they might find uncomfortable. Guidelines provided by the Information Commissioners Office (ICO) ensures a comprehensive level of regulations for data obtained in this way. The combined legislation of the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) along with the UK Data Protection Act 2018, were also implemented to ensure the protection and consent of the participant’s data. These three acts ensured any data collected for this project, could not be used to identify participants via name, address, telephone, email, photographically or by any other means (Information Commissioners Office, 2019). Before conducting the interviews, each participant was asked to sign a personal consent form (see Appendix C for a template of consent form).
Reflection
This project has proven to be extremely beneficial as a contribution to an important subject that has not warranted research within UK academia. Ever since I made the conscious decision to accept an identity based on my genetic heritage as an African, I have personally experienced the benefits of doing so. Conducting this project has highlighted a distinct lack of research into the adopted identities of the ‘Black’ people, as descendants of formerly enslaved Africans. I was pleasantly surprised to find that each participant found the subject matter of their identity as African descendants, of great personal interest and all of them encouraged further research. The participants were in general, both open and forthcoming with the answers to questions surrounding their chosen identity. However, afterwards I realised there were many more questions that should have been asked as part of this research project. For a project such as this to be viewed as a legitimate study into the subject of identity for a specific group of people, a much larger sampling of participants is necessary. The current global pandemic surrounding the COVID-19 virus reduced an already small selection of participants, down to three.
Analysis
Analyzing the data using thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006) proved to be instrumental in eliciting the themes at the core of this study. In most instances the themes seemed apparent whilst interviewing the participants, whereas others were gleaned from a close analysis of the responses to questions. In these instances, summarised codes were noted and used to form the same primary themes from each participant. Of the various topics discussed, the following three themes stood out with all participants: ‘significance of ancestral ties’; ‘desire for a national identity’, ‘associative stigma of black’. All participants demonstrated a clear longing to associate themselves with the Caribbean. None of the UK born participants believed English people saw them as either English or British.
The Findings
The Significance of Cultural Ties
All participants in this project seemed to have a clear and distinct emotional attachment to their cultural heritage. They all demonstrated, in their distinct ways, a strong desire to maintain their cultural ties to the Caribbean, even if they have never been there. These cultural ties are instrumental in determining their sense of identity as members of a British society. The youngest female participant (Abimbola, 20) said how maintaining her Caribbean heritage was now particularly difficult, as her grandparents had provided the strongest cultural links to the Caribbean, but they had now passed on. Abimbola was disappointed not to have a defined cultural attachment to her African Caribbean heritage:
I feel like it's good in these days. I wish I was actually more like, educated on my culture, if that makes sense. I think a major part of it is because I haven't been to my own country yet. I think that would have a major aspect.
The older female participant (Wanjiru, 41), who was raised in Jamaica until the age of 19, also stated the significance of her cultural ties to Jamaica, in providing her with an African Caribbean cosmology that provides her with ideologies and philosophies for life:
Nowadays, it's very much important because based on the way the values and morals of how, how I was brought up as a child, those morals and values is still very much originated in me and also helped me in a sense of being the person who I am today. And also, as a parent, as well. It also helped me to be the parent I am for my children and inflict or teach some of those values onto my children. So those morals, morals and values can still resonate in the family and move on within our family unit … our family tree.
The older male participant (Omowale, 41) also believed an individual’s culture was important. At one time his ties to the Caribbean were very important to him. However, now that he has become aware of his African heritage and the richness of the many cultures on the continent, he is unsatisfied with the quality of culture within the Caribbean. Now he feels that what remains there is a poor example of what was lost there during the centuries of enslavement inflicted upon the Africans whilst in the Caribbean:
I love the basics; I mean to say the aesthetic level of culture of what Caribbean culture is … But then in terms of proper traditions, or religious practices, and things like that, then I don't hold much affinity with them … So basically, what I'm classifying as Caribbean culture is a culture just based on food, music, and language, or accent, you know? I guess culture is supposed to be more than just food, accent and music. So that's why I mean find It's less important to me than it used to be, as when I was growing up, I used to enjoy so called Caribbean culture, whatever that is, and now appear as kind of an empty shell filled with scatters of Europe and Africa, ya know … they're a mess.
Althusser’s (1971) theoretical framework of interpellation is demonstrated by each of the participants. They all emphasise the importance of maintaining a social interconnectedness to their Caribbean heritage, in relation to the identity they choose to demonstrate in this society. Abimbola touched on this, when she discussed being raised in the United Kingdom, yet not being recognised as being fully British because she does not have an English or European ancestry:
Abimbola
…. I'm not like fully British. And I know that people will look at me and they wouldn't see me as British anyway, …. I'm always gonna be just a black person. So … [fade out]
Adisa
Yeah so, they're not gonna say “Oh look there’s another Anglo-Saxon”
Abimbola
Yeah, exactly. It's like I would grow up with British people. And sometimes I feel the same but then realise I'm actually still being painted differently anyway, cuz I'm not white. So, I feel more Jamaican now as I get older actually.
Omowale demonstrated the significance of maintaining cultural ties to the Caribbean as a British citizen. When discussing how he is socially identified, Omowale stated:
There's probably never been a time where I've been identified by my culture. Yeah. You know, more often than not, I'm identified by the same colour of my bag, or my jacket [they were both black]. They don't come up to you and say, Oh, you’re a Jamaican guy or, you know, you’re an African guy. They say you're a black guy, or my black friend [Omowale] … so that first identifiable characteristic is that I am black.
These few excerpts emphasise the levels of cultural isolation experienced by the participants as British citizens.
National Identity
Whilst analysing the data collected, the topic of national identity was highlighted by each participant, despite none of them being asked about their identities. As demonstrated above, each participant’s attachment to an African Caribbean culture can be tied to their sense of identity. It was of interest to note, that none of the participants chose to identify themselves with the Black-British identity, despite two of them spending their entire lives in the United Kingdom. Two of the participants highlighted being referred to as black by society:
… I know that people will look at me and they wouldn't see me as British anyway, … I'm always gonna be just a black person.
They say, “you're a black guy”, or “my black friend [Omowale]” … so that first identifiable characteristic is that I am black.
Based on the emotional delivery of these statements, it was easy to surmise the reluctance to attach themselves to black in the United Kingdom was related to the kind of pejorative stereotypes highlighted above that permeated throughout British society (Hall, 1997). The responses of Abimbola and Omowale, to the above statements of being socially identified as black were both infused with a perceptible discomfort.
The significance of the cultural African Caribbean ties to Abimbola’s sense of identity, can be observed from her response when asked about the sense of attachment she felt to her Jamaican heritage, and which differentiated her from her English peers:
I say it's quite prominent in the aspect of like, morals, attitudes to certain things. And then like food, music and things like that. I know that it is a major asset in my life because it makes me different from people I've grown up with.
Much like Abimbola, Omowale would not identify himself as a British man. When asked how he feels about being identified as an African:
I would be perfectly fine because that's what I am.
Associative Stigma of black
The word black has both symbolic and categorical uses within the English language. The symbolic definitions are wholly negative (Tsri, 2016). This topic highlighted the issue with a group of people being intrinsically associated with the symbolic definitions of this colour. Without exception, each participant demonstrated a disheartening sense of despondency when shown the symbolic definitions of black in the English language. None of the participants attempted to redefine the meaning of the word black, once confronted with its definition. Reference was made to being identified as a ‘Black’ person by all participants.
When each participant was confronted with the English language definitions of black, they were all noticeably moved, so much so that I felt less inclined to continue questioning in that vein for Abimbola and Omowale:
It definitely, like dampens my identity. There was like, there was a time when I was younger when I did actually wish I was white … you deal with all these obstacles with the association of being black and everything like that … But um, no, it's not nice.
Well, you know what, I can’t even lie ya know, after reading those definitions hmm … [long pause] My energy changes while I was reading them. So, it's like before or while I was reading them, I felt as negative as the words I’m reading hmm … so … [fade out]
I wasn’t sure if Wanjiru had perhaps misunderstood the question about the colour, and instead referred to the sociological accomplishments of African people. At some stage with Wanjiru I realised that she appeared to be thinking about what the correct answers to the questions were being asked:
To be honest, I feel proud to be a black person personally, because when I think about in terms of black people a whole how they was treated years ago and when I see how far black people have come in terms of representing black lives or black people.
However, once clarification was sought on whether she felt the dictionary definitions of black could be applied to her:
No … because that doesn't say who I am. And that doesn't identify me personally.
When Wanjiru stated she was proud to be a black person, she was proud of how African Caribbean people based in the UK have coped with the many adverse conditions they have been confronted with. It could be surmised that this was a psychological coping mechanism, when confronted with extremely negative symbolic definitions of black. It was clear she had never seen the definition for black before this exercise. Despite the attempts to revalorise the word black, I contend that these emotional responses may well support the notion that African Caribbean people without an African identity, have become subconsciously attached to the symbolic definitions of the colour black. Whereas, individuals that have acknowledged and accepted their African identity, will simply feel no need to ascribe themselves the colour black with its century’s old negative connotations.
Conclusions
The purpose of this study was to determine if African Caribbean people based in the United Kingdom, are unwilling to identify themselves as African due to the effects of transgenerational trauma. This paper asked if the contemporary African Caribbean embraces the inaccurate and derogatory title of ‘Black’ Person, over African or African Caribbean Person, as a result of this generationally transmitted trauma. This form of trauma has been defined as Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome by DeGruy (2010). There does not appear to have been any literary research into this subject, and certainly not within the United Kingdom. As such, the primary theoretical frameworks of DeGruy (2010) and Akbar (1998) is based on the research conducted on descendants of formerly enslaved Africans living in America. I maintained this research was suitable for this UK based paper, as the Africans taken to America and the Africans taken to the Caribbean, were invariably of the same kin, tribe, or nation. They were both subjected to the horrors and savagery of chattel slavery, and the descendants of both are still living in European dominant societies, experiencing the same forms of prejudice and discrimination.
To determine the veracity of this statement, the literary references focussed on theories related to this subject matter. First, the significance of identity to the individual and society was discussed using the work of Althusser (1971), where his theory of interpellation highlights the interconnectedness of an individual’s sense of identity to that seen by society. Mead’s (1934) theory on symbolizing emphasises the link between how an individual sees them self, and their attempts to demonstrate how they believe society sees them. Finally, Goffman’s (1959) theory of dramaturgy was discussed, in relation to how the individual will also enact a very specific performance for the identity they portray and that observed by society. This was followed by a discussion of the literature surrounding the identity of so called Black-British people based in the United Kingdom. These theories on identity in conjunction with the Black-British identity, were used to begin the discussion on how the identity of people who identify themselves as a ‘Black’ Person are perceived in British society. This was followed by Hall’s (1979) analysis into the centuries of stigma associated with the ‘Black’ Person in British society, resulting in prejudice and discrimination that has permeated every aspect of British society for the past five hundred years.
This section of the literature review was used to analyse how the African began to be associated with the colour black. It highlighted the problematic nature of using the colour black as a form of identity. Hrabovsky’s (2013) detailed analysis of ‘blackness’ and it’s use throughout European history is used in conjunction with Tsri’s (2016) paper, to demonstrate how the derogatory nature of the word black was, and of course still is, an integral aspect of European languages such as English. This is followed by Akbar’s (1979) classification for the mental disorder of diasporic Africans. Two of these disorders were discussed, the alien-self disorder described individuals who would have difficulty acknowledging their African identity, and make every attempt to assimilate and accept the culture of those responsible for their hardships; and the anti-self disorder, which Akbar defined as individuals who not only accept the dominant culture, but may also display hostility to their own ethnic group and associated cultures. DeGruy’s (2010) Post Traumatic Slavery Syndrome theory on transgenerational trauma within the African diaspora was then discussed. DeGruy’s analysis suggests that the descendants of those who were subjected to the horrors of chattel slavery will have inherited trauma in conjunction with the theories of transgenerational trauma. As such they are demonstrably influenced by the inherited trauma of their African predecessors potentially resulting in a fear of portraying their African identity and nature.
The final section of the literature review was used to highlight the significance of the African identity to contemporary Africans within European societies. Kambon (2006) created two models to assist in understanding African identity, the African Self-Consciousness (ASC) and Cultural Misorientation (CM) models. Much like Akbar’s (1980) theories of mental disorder, Kambon’s (1992) models promoted the idea of core African components within the African personality. Kambon goes on to identify these components as the African Self-Extension Orientation (ASEO) and the African Self-Consciousness (ASC), which make up the core elements of the African identity (Kambon and Reid, 2010). The quotation on the cover page of this paper, is cited by academics who conducted research into African American students, based on Kambon’s (1992) theoretical frameworks.
The findings of this study cannot be used to clearly demonstrate the symptoms shown to afflict the descendants of formerly enslaved Africans, by Akbar (1979) and DeGruy (2010). At best, I would posit that there was clear evidence of the participants being impacted by the Racist Socialisation highlighted by DeGruy’s (2010) PTSS. All the participants were visibly distraught at the symbolic definitions of black, demonstrating their acceptance of the European view of black being synonymous with that which is not good, and in turn themselves as ‘Black’ people also being no good (Tsri, 2016). I would suggest, the line of questioning used to gather the qualitative data needed for this project was lacking in depth and intimacy. The number of questions were too few and my interviewing techniques were not sufficient for an emotive subject such as this. However, I do believe this study clearly highlighted the interconnectedness all the participants felt with the centuries old symbolic definitions of black to their own self-identification, as suggested by Mead’s (1934) theories on symbolizing, and Althusser’s (1971) theory of interpellation. Their responses to the many negative and derogatory symbolisms for black, was not pleasant to observe. Even though Omowale was comfortable being identified as African, the impact of a lifetime of being identified as black, along with the stereotypes that are ubiquitous in British society, was still overwhelming for him and the other participants (Hall, 1997).
Going forward, this has proven to be an invaluable experience in preparing me for the original post-doctoral research that I believe is necessary for this subject matter. The following questionnaires serve as an example of the style of questioning to be used in future research: the African Self Consciousness Scale: An Africentric Personality Questionnaire created by Kambon (1985) to determine the personality construct amongst African Americans of African Self-Consciousness (see Appendix E); and the General Ethnicity Questionnaire (GEQ) originally created by Tsai (2000) to determine what it means to be Chinese to Chinese American people. Tsai has given permission for her GEQ to be modified according to the specific culture (see Appendix F). The grand objective of this study is to enable people who are African to no longer be ashamed or afraid to acknowledge their genetic heritage and many associated cultures, that at one time were of great benefit to humanity (Diop, 1971; Ben-Jochannon, 1988). This could be a crucial step in reaping the benefits of a wellbeing based upon a healthy sense of self-worth for African people worldwide, and more importantly will be instrumental in finally uniting a long separated people.
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Appendices
Appendix E (African Self Consciousness Questionnaire (Kambon, 1985))
Two-Factor Model of African Self-Consciousness
Value for African-Centred Institutions and Relationships
1. It is good for Black people to refer to each other as brother and sister because such a practice is consistent with our African heritage.
2. African culture is better for humanity than European culture.
3. As a good index of self-respect, Blacks in America should consider adopting traditional African names for themselves.
4. It is good for Blacks in America to wear traditional African-type clothing and hair styles if they desire to do so.
5. Regardless of their interests, educational background and social achievements, I would prefer to associate with black people than with non-Blacks.
6. Black people should have their own independent schools which consider their African heritage and values an important part of the curriculum.
7. All Black students in Africa and America should be expected to study African culture and history as it occurs throughout the world.
8. Racial consciousness and cultural awareness based on traditional African values are necessary to the development of Black marriages and families that can contribute to the liberation and enhancement of Black people in America.
9. Black children should be taught that they are African people at an early age. .
10. It is good for Black husbands and wives to help each other develop racial consciousness and cultural awareness in themselves and their children.
11. Blacks born in the United States are Black or African first, rather than American or just plain people.
12. It is intelligent for Blacks in America to organize to educate and liberate themselves from white-American domination.
13. When a black person uses the terms "Self, Me, and I," his/her reference should encompass all Black people rather than simply him/herself.
14. Being involved in wholesome group activities with other Blacks lifts my spirits more so than being involved in individual oriented activities.
15. White people, generally speaking, do not respect Black life.
16. Blacks should form loving relationships with and marry only other blacks.
17. The success of an individual Black person is not as important as the survival of all Black people.
Value Against Affirmative Africanity
18. Black people's concern for self-knowledge (knowledge of one's history, philosophy, culture, etc.) and self (collective)-determination makes them treat white people badly.
19. Blacks in America should try harder to be American rather than practicing activities that link them up with their African cultural heritage.
20. Africa is not the ancestral homeland of all Black people who are not close friends or relatives.
21. Blacks in America should view Blacks from other countries (e.g. Ghana, Nigeria and other countries in Africa) as foreigners rather than as their brothers and sisters.
22. I feel little sense of commitment to Black people who are not close friends or relatives.
23. I have difficulty identifying with the culture of African people.
24. Black people who talk in a relatively loud manner, with a lot of emotions and feelings, and express themselves with a lot of movement and body motion are less intelligent than Blacks who do not behave this way
25. There is no such thing as African culture among Blacks in America.
26. If I saw Black children fighting, I would leave them to settle it alone.
27. In dealing with other blacks, I consider myself quite different and unique from most of them.
28. It is not necessary to require Black/African Studies courses in predominately Black schools.
Appendix F (General Ethnicity Questionnaire (Tsai, 2000))
Please use the following scale to indicate how much you agree with the following statements. Circle your response.
1 Strongly Disagree
2 Disagree
3 Neutral
4 Agree
5 Strongly Agree
1. I was raised in way that was English
2. When I was growing up, I was exposed to English culture.
3. Now, I am exposed to English culture.
4. Compared to how much I negatively criticize other cultures, I criticize English culture less.
5. I am embarrassed/ashamed of English culture.
6. I am proud of English culture.
7. English culture has had a positive impact on my life.
8. I believe that my children should read, write, and speak English.
9. I have a strong belief that my children should have English names only.
10. I go to places where people are English
11. I am familiar with English cultural practices and customs.
12. I relate to my partner or spouse in a way that is English
13. I admire people who are English
14. I would prefer to live in an English community.
15. I listen to English music.
16. I perform English dance.
17. I engage in English forms of recreation.
18. I celebrate English holidays.
19. At home, I eat English food.
20. At restaurants, I eat English food.
21. When I was a child, my friends were English
22. Now, my friends are English
23. I wish to be accepted by English people
24. The people I date are English
25. Overall, I am English
Appendix G (Interview Questions)
1. How old are you?
2. What is your marital status?
3. Where were you born?
a. Have you always lived here?
4. How do you feel about English cultural practices and customs?
a. Royal family, Union Jack, Manners, Class system.
5. What country/countries is your family related to?
6. How important is your families cultural background to you?
a. How do you feel about having ties to this culture?
7. How do you feel about having a European name?
8. What is your favourite dish?
a. How often do you get to eat it?
b. Where do you get to eat it?
9. Do other people identify you with a colour or a culture?
a. Which one is more common?
10. Have you ever seen the full definition of the colour black?
a. Please read if not.
11. How do you feel about this definition in relation to you?
12. How would you feel about being identified as negroid or nigga?
13. How do you feel about African Caribbean cultural practices and customs?
14. Where do you believe the Caribbean people identified as black, originally came from?
15. Are you familiar with any historical African civilisations?
16. How do you feel about the portrayal of Africa by British media (magazines, papers, TV Ads, Ad posters and movies)
17. How would you feel if you were identified as African?
[1] In this paper European-American refers to Europeans who either colonised or emigrated to America.
[2] It is beyond the scope of this study to include the negative symbolic and categorical connotations of the word black in other European and Asian languages.
[3] In this study, African Caribbean refers to the descendants of Africans from the Caribbean islands including the South American country, Guyana.
[4] Negroid is used within contemporary forensic anthropology when ascribing the remains of an unknown human skull. They are either Negroid, Mongoloid or Caucasoid. (Roberts, 2013, p. 116). It should be noted that the Latin and Greek etymological root of the word negro means black. The Greek definition of Negroid is a derivative of negro meaning ‘having the appearance of black’, therefore negro means black (Mifflin, 2005, p. 512).
[5] The capitalisation of the B in black is used to denote the African diasporic person made unaware of their heritage (Lewis, 2020).
[6] Much like European people who have classified themselves as white.
[7] The Hippocratic Corpus, went on to become the foundation for all European medicinal practices.
[8] This is the English translation of the original African lingustic interpretation of Kimit (Ben-Jochannon, 1988, p. 253)